Barlaki no Violensia Domestika iha Timor-Leste

Josh Trindade

Ohin kalan, (05/10/12) iha noticia TVTL kona ba lansamentu livru peskija, “Barlaki no Violensia Domestika iha Timor-Leste”,  halo hau husu pergunta barak kona ba ‘Timoroan’. Tamba iha intervista, Feto Maluk Peskija Nain ida dehan nunue’e: “violensia domestika mosu laos tamba barlaki, maibe tamba mane mak iha poder barak liu. Ami feto mak fo poder barak liu ba mane”.  Hau hakfodak tebes wainhira Feto Maluk ne’e dehan, “Ami feto mak fo poder barak liu ba mane”. Ida ne’e hatudu katak, Feto Maluk ne’e hatene valor esensial kultura Timoroan nian, nia hatene katak mane nia poder-maskulinu ne’e mai husi feto. Poder ne’e husi feto, tamba feto mak fo moris, laos mane mak hahoris. Tamba ne’e mak, ema nebe kaer biru makas oinsa mos, nia sei mamar wainhira besik feto. Feto bele fo poder ba mane tamba nia iha autoridade-femininu. Iha Timor nia kultura (mundu kosmolijia), autoridade-femininu mak manda poder-maskulinu.

Realidade tamba sa mak agora mosu violensia domestika barak? Aliende “ita nia feton sira fo poder barak liu ba mane”, mane sira mos persija poder ida ne’e hodi halo funu kontra inimigu. Durante funu, Timoroan tomak (feto ka mane) glorifika valor maskulinu para iha forsa hodi funu kontra kolonialista sira. Durante funu, ita Timoroan mos justifika violensia wainhira ita oho soldadu Indonesia nian. Husi ita nia pontu de vistu, ita la halo sala, tamba ita defende ita nia an ita ia Rain. Maibe, hahalok violensia sira nebe ita uza durante funu, dala ruma ninia restu balun sei iha ita nia hanoin ou hahalok. Dala barak ita la rekuinhese ida ne’e. Segundu, ita hatene durante okupasaun Indonesia no Portuguesa, buat ida dehan ‘vioelensia iha publiku”, nebe kolonialista sira halo mai ita, atu ‘hatauk ita’, ‘hanehan ita’, ‘ha-atan ita’, sei nurak hela iha ita nia hanoin. Ita ba eskola, sira baku. Ita la hatene sira baku, Ita hatene barak liu sira baku. Ita tur nonok deit mos sira baku. Wainhira ita fila ba uma, ita sai tauk ten tiha iha ita nia Inan no Aman nia oin. Maibe ita nia Inan-Aman la hatene eskola ne’e saida, entaun sira hanoin katak ‘violensia ne’e mak dalan hanorin ema sai ema’.  Barak husi ita sei iha hanoin ida ne’e. Neduni hahalok violensia, bele iha ita nia kultura rasik, maibe kolonialista sira halo buat ne’e estraga liu tan.

Hau nia pergunta mak ne’e, “Noi oan sira, tamba sa mak imi fo poder barak liu ba mane hodi baku imi. Tamba sa mak imi la fo poder oituan deit ba mane?”

Azevedo Marcal hau sente barlake no violencia domestika iha kausalidade karik. precisa estudu ruma atu bele hatene se iha kausalidade kalae entre barlake no violencia domestika. Konaba feto mak fo poder ba mane nee la dun tama ita nia ulun, tanba oinsa mak (dala barak) feto mak sai tiha vitima maibe nia nafatin fo poder ba mane atu halo nunee ba nia. hau sente relasaun nebe besik liu no karik iha kausalidade mak entre barlake no violencia domestika. karik precisa studu / peskija ruma hodi bele hare. abracos

Arsenio Borromeu Resultadu sei lahetan, wainhira variabel ida nebe maka ita hatama la LOS tiha na hodi buka resolve sobre Violensia Domestika.
Relasaun entre Barlake no Violensia Domestika no mos Puder no Violensia domestika la dun signifikante hodi hamosu attetude Violensia. Tuir hau nia hanoin maka: Ekonomia no faktores "Domin" bahasa karik bolun "Semburu".
Abraso

Josh Trindade Violensia mosu tamba mane sira la simu iha sira nia ulun katak feto sira mak kaer autoridade (fo poder). Logika ida ne'e mos hanesan, "povu kbi'it laek sira mak fo poder ba Governu hodi kaer estadu". Povu sira nebe poder laiha, sira tau hamutuk sira nia an hodi fo poder ba Governu sai forsa. Maibe realidade saida? Governu seidauk hare kbri'it laek sira ho didiak. Sira uza sala poder ne'e hodi halo terus povu. Hanesan mos mane sira uza sala poder hodi baku feto. Haluha tiha katak, poder ida husi feto ne'e hodi proteje no fo siguransa. LAOS BAKU!..... Halo ba, FETO MAROMAK!

Arsenio Borromeu Demokrasia hatudu na katak PUDER iha POVU nia liman.
Lei maka fo limitasaun ba Estado nia PUDER...respetu Lei maka sei respeitu Povu nia Direitu.
Situasaun maka halo ema baku malu (Violensia Domestika), Puder hanesan mos forsa ida..no ida ne'e Natureza hatu'ur kedas na.
Tuir los ita buka Causal, Laos mai atu troka fali saida maka natureza tau ona...
Abraso

Josh Trindade BAKU FETO ne'e LULIK. Ida ne'e natureza hatur ona hanesan Belun Arsenio Koalia.....

Arsenio Borromeu Maluk, hau la komprende ita bo'ot nia statement

Josh Trindade ida nebe?

Josh Trindade Koalia mai...

Arsenio Borromeu Ehmmm....natureza hatu'ur na..lao's entermo de baku feto ne'e lulik...espera hau la komprende sala...maibe..faktus katak "hukum rimba" ida n'e be maka forsa maka nia maka manda

Josh Trindade Hukum rimba duni, maibe maibe ita defini ita nia an nudar 'EMA'. Laos animal laod tuir deit lei natureza tuir ninia insting. Se ita ema baku malu tuir natureza, entaun ita Ema nudar spesies/kriatura ida lakon (punah) tiha ona. Keta uza fali natureza ida hanesan relasaun predator-prey (leon-bibirusa) hodi kompara FETO HO MANE nia relasaun tamba buat rua ne'e la hanesan. Bele kompara ralsaun feto ho mane entre LEON INAN no LEON AMAN.... Se LEON AMAN tata LEON INAN loron to'o mate, depois saida mak akontese ba LEON AMAN? otomatis nia mos mate, nia jerasaun mos laiha tan. Tamba ne'e mak natureza hatur katak, LEON INAN no AMAN servisu hamutuk hodi haburasa sira nia jerasaun (gen).... ho logika ida ne'e, ita LABELE JUSTIFIKA VIOLENSIA BA FETO....

Arsenio Borromeu Sei humano ne'e perfeito....Mundo sai na saida los??
Tanba ida ne'e ita buka Causal

Josh Trindade Natureza fo ita abilidade oioin hodi kontra ida ne'e, maibe dala barak Ema Kriatura mak uza sala abilidade sira ne'e.... tamba ne'e mak violensia mosu iha uma laran, iha sosiedade, no entre nasaun ho dalan kolonialismu ou dalan selseluk....

Josh Trindade Ita nia statemen ida dehan katak ‘faktus katak “hukum rimba” ida n'e be maka forsa maka nia maka manda’, ida ne’e los. Maibe ita nia definisaun mai husi malae sira nia matenek nebe dehan katak buat ida ‘forsa, puder, valor maskulinu’ ne’e ninia limitasaun laiha. Hanoin ida ne’e sala. Tuir Lulik ninia definisaun, hukum rimba lolos defini ‘valor femininu’ mak manda ‘valor maskulinu’. Iha mundu animal, inan sira mak hili abilidade, kapasidade, kualidade ou gen saida mak sira prefere. Ejemplu, manu inan ida nia sei tetu no hare lai mak foin nia fo nia aan ba Manu Aman. Saida mak manu inan ne’e tetu? Manu inan dala ruma hare ba manu aman nia fulun, nia kor, nia kokoroek, nia forsa, nia ‘kado’ manu inan hatene ka lae, nsst. Se manu inan tetu ba mak manu aman ne’e nia kualidade la subsiente, entaun manu inan la fo an. Saida mak akontese? Manu aman duni tuir manu inan, dala ruma manu aman halai makas liu, entaun manu aman bele hatama hela ninia gen ba manu inan. Maibe keta hanoin katak, manu aman duni hetan to’o kaer manu inan, to’o fo ninia aan signifika katak manu inan submete ba manu aman? LAOS. Iha momentu ida ne’e, MANU INAN MAK MANAN. Tamba manu inan hare katak, manu aman ne’e mesmu nia ‘oin aat’, maibe nia iha forsa hodi halai kaer manu inan. Manu Amann hatudu kualidade maskulinu ida nebe manu inan gosta tebes. Tamba ne’e mak manu inan submete ba manu aman hodi MANAN, laos hodi LAKON ba manu aman. Ida ne’e hatudu momos valor maskulinu loloos submete ba valor feminine.

Oinsa ita hatene feto nia autoridade hodi kontrola moris iha mundu modernu? Hau fo ijemplu ida. Iha segredu publiku ida iha Reinhu Unidus (Englatera) katak, Lou Diana (Princesa Diana) ninia oan mane nain rua, Baino William no Baino Harry, laos Liuraioan Charles ninia oan. Rumoris publiku ida ne’e hatutan katak, Baino nain rua ne’e ninia aman loloos mak jeneral ida husi forsa armadas naran James Hewitt, Lou Diana nia doben tuan. 
Hau la debate kona ba rumoris ida ne’e los ka la los. Hau hakarak foti kestaun kona ba oinsa feto (valor femininu) kontrola moris. Husi istoria Lou Diana ninia, hatudu momos katak, mesmu nia kaben ho Liuraioan Charles, nini insting nudar feto, nudar inan ida, hili James Hewitt hodi hatutan nia jerasaun. Liuraioan Charles bele iha poder barak, maibe nia labele halo buat ida hodi hapara Lou Diana ninia insting nudar feto hodi kontrola moris. Neduni, ita bele paksa ou baku feto, maibe BAINHIRA FETO HATUR NIA AAN LOLOS, mane sira sei hakruk hotu!..... abc

Josh Trindade Valor femininu atrai valor maskulinu hodi fo kompletu no proteje. Laos atu baku ou estraga....

Arsenio Borromeu Limitasaun tengke fila fali ba pessoal ida-idak (Feto-mane) oinsa atu kontrola nia an. no mos bele mos utilija ho lei ida hodi nune kontrola nia forsa hanesan maluk dehan.
Saida maka hau la komprende maka nusa uja fali variabel sira hanesan ne'e (Berlaki no Puder) maka sai hanesan faktores ida causal ba violensia domestiko iha tempo modernu ne'e???
Sei karik ida ne'e maka ita sei la resolve problema ida......

Regina Da Conceicao Maun Josh Trindade Ami feto sira fo poder barak ba mane tamba ami hatene katak aban bairua nia hatene kaer poder'ne nie benefisu seidiak ba buat barak. agora ne nia sidauk hatene uja poder nebe mak ami fo antau violesia domestika mosu, mai be ami sentideit no simu no laran diak. Ne ami feto sira nia responsabel atu hadia mane no fo dalan ba domin no paz. :)

Arsenio Borromeu Miga: Tuir ita hanoin faktores saida dt maka sai causal ba violensia domestika?
Fokupers nia pesquija no relatorio ba hau la signifikante tanba variabel nebe maka sira hatama ba Erru liu kedas (Hau sidauk le'e, maibe hatuir Maun Josh Trinidade nia post dt- Barlaki & Puder)
Abraso

Josh Trindade Rumoris kona ba Lou Diana nian bele hare iha ne'e:http://people.famouswhy.com/Lady_Diana_and_James_Hewitt-r27317.html

Josh Trindade Ida tan mak ne'e:http://www.accessmylibrary.com/article-1G1-15791023/lady-di-scandal-book.html

Josh Trindade Bele hare evidensia kona ba fontes poder, autoridade, valor femininu iha Timor-Leste. Bele hare video ne'e, husi Suai Loro, sira hatudu LIURAI FETO (ida nebe fo poder).....http://www.suaimediaspace.org/friends-of-suai-port-phillip/category/news/suai-friends-visit-port-phillip/suai-visit-reports/suai-visit-2011/2011-uma-lulik-ceremony-suai-loro/

Arsenio Borromeu Belun Josh Trindade faktores ekonomia, Fiar malu, domin, relasaun intimu tengke hatama hotu ba nudar variabel explanation ba iha variabel Violensia Domestika......Tanba Maun Josh le'e na, atu husu dt katak iha variabel sira ne'e ka lae???
Hu aseita total katak feto maka fo puder ba mane. Fokupers nia hakarak Atu hatu'ur puder Feto ho Mane hanesan ka atu hadau Puder ne'e??? ida ne'e maka hau nia perguntas

Josh Trindade Edukasaun mak resposta.... kria balansu matenek entre feto no mane....

Josh Trindade Hau mos seidauk lee relatorio ne'e... hau hare deit intervista iha TVTL hodi kalan.... Hau la gava sira nia relatoriu tamba seidauk lee....

Arsenio Borromeu Ida ne'e foin resolve variabel ida...(Ekonomia) husi edukasaun sei fo posibilidade ba feto ajuda mane aumenta cresemento economia familia nian...mais oinsa ho variabel seluk?
Atu atinji MDG...Estado Timor fo na prioridade ba asumto edukasaun no genro...Maibe hau fiar katak violensia domestika sei akontese nafatin.

Josh Trindade Luta nafatin hasoru violensia durante ita sei moris.....

Josh Trindade Luta hasoru violensia to'o mate.... ida ne'e mak ita nia avo sira halo. Tamba avo sira wainhira mate, barak mak hanorin hele liafuna sira hanesan ne'e: "imi hare malu didiak, maun-alin lao hamutuk, alin-maun fo limanba malu, bin-alin tur hamutuk, feotsan-umane ajuda mau, rian fetosan - rian umane hare malu.... Ida ne'e evidensia ida hatudu katak, to'o mate mos, AVO SIRA SEI LUTA KONTRA VIOLENSIA ..... Agora husu tok ita BEI OAN sira agora. Saida ona mak ita halo hodi kontra VIOLENSIA?

Josh Trindade Ita mesak feton nian deit, nan nian deit.....

Josh Trindade Avo sira gasta sira nia energia ikus liu (besik mate), sira uja enerjia ida ne'e hodi luta kontra violensia iha dala ikus..... TO'O MATE

Re: Colonialism, Culture and Gender in Timor-Leste

-----Original Message-----

From: Miguel de Lemos

Sent: Monday, October 01, 2012 11:19 PM

To: JOSH TRINDADE

Cc: east-timor@lists.riseup.net ; ETAN

Subject: Re: Colonialism, Culture and Gender in Timor-Leste

Dear Josh, Dear all,

Thank you very much for your text.

Could you please identify the sources of these ideas? What are the

academic studies that support, namely, the third paragraph?

Looking forward to discuss your contribution,

Kind regards,

Miguel Lemos

====

From: JOSH TRINDADE

Sent: Tuesday, October 02, 2012 7:45 PM

To: Miguel de Lemos ; east-timor@lists.riseup.net ; ETAN

Subject: Re: Colonialism, Culture and Gender in Timor-Leste

Hi Miguel,

I will not be able to give you at the moment because: 1) I am still

researching the the issue. 2) Are you referring to the sources from a well

qualified western scholars from a well credited University? How I suppose to

find that in a place like TL where local ideas been subjugated by foreign

invaders as colonial? If you know some, do let me know. 3) if you think the

information is incorrect or misleading, you can make it better by analyzing

it and put it in the right perspectives. 4) I am not academically qualified

by formal standard, I only reached high-school. 5) But one source (evidence)

I can give you from my Ritual Language (Naueti). But again, this is only an

oral-reference which is inferior to academic written knowledge.

The following is how the colonial events interpreted in our ritual language.

I have to ask permission to share this.

1) "Wono Malae ne lo ---- It is foreign war

2) Le'a Malae ne lo ---- It is foreign conflict

3) Uka la watu o ---- Run on the rocks

4) Uka la kai o ---- Run on the trees

5) Horo la baha o ---- Hide on the mountains

6) Horo la ba'a lale ---- hide in the valleys

7) Buikia toto'o, Anakia toto'o ---- [we are] like the little

chickens without their mother, [we are] orphans without parents

8) [...]"

From the above, we clearly see that, line 1 and 2 refer to the colonial. All

the sufferings they went through, until the day they use this ritual

language blamed it on the colonial (wono malae, le'a malae). From line 3-6,

it described the whole sufferings during colonial periods. As an example,

they have to hide on the mountain, Mount Matebian which is just close by

(line 5). Line 7 specifically described the cost of that "wono malae, le'a

malae". It left behind many children without parents. Many elderly who can't

survive, left us behind, took with them the wisdom we need in our existence.

Interestingly, there is no blame on the Timorese who worked for the

colonial. You can interpret this in anyway you want, but I think there are

explanation to it. 1) My language group understood the root cause of the

problems, which is the Malae (in this context, Indonesian too are Malaes) as

colonial. This interpretation automatically put the 'colonial collaborators'

as victims too. 3) The war is over, it is better to reconcile with the

colonial collaborators, they are still brothers and sisters anyway. 4) If we

exclude them in this recent ritual language by blaming them, it may cause future conflicts

among our future generations. But that doesn't mean we forgot already what

the colonial collaborators did in the past. 5) In fact, when the ritual

language continue, it call for a unity as appear in the following:

"[...]

9) Otarae-wailita gamama'a lebati --- girl-boy are all here today

10) Uma'ana-Oasae gamama'a lebati --- wife giver - wife taker are all here today

11) Ware-Kaka gamama'a lebati --- Younger - older brothers are all here today

12) Ana ulu - Ana Iku gamama'a lebati --- Younger - older sisters are all here today

13) inatua-amadae gamama'a lebati --- aunties - uncles are all here today

14) [...]

In line 9, the boy-girl dualistic represents the idea of fertility, that we

ready to flourish, to create and maintain life and our society, through our

girls and boys. From line 10-13, it explains the complex relationship that

we have. The colonial collaborators in our village, may one of the brother,

the uncles, the unties, the nephews, etc. But they must fall into one of the

category in line 10-13; therefor, it is possible to reconcile. That's the demand of our ancestors and Lulik.

The above ritual language, used during Uma Lulik (Sacred House) inauguration

and many other rituals after '99. I am guessing in other language group,

they have similar interpretation of the event.

Again, this is only an oral interpretation. It doesn't have the same weight

as a written academic analysis.

Best,

Josh Trindade

Legitimate Politics and Structural issues in Timor’s Fragility

Guteriano Neves

Introduction

 “Legitimate Politics” is the first goal of the “Peacebuilding and Statebuilding,” agreed upon by the g7+ members in Monrovia. This is referred to later on as Peacebuilding and Statebuilding Goals, which were adopted at the Busan High Level Forum on Aid Effectiveness, in November, 2011, as part of New Deal. Based on these goals also, the performance of so-called “fragile states” is measured against these goals. Basic assumption is that when state institutions do not enjoy legitimacy from their citizens, the perceived level of fragility increases.

If we frame legitimacy in the context of fragility, this implies that fragile states do not have legitimacy or at best only weak legitimacy from their citizens. Indeed, in order to progress beyond fragility, fragile states must strengthen their legitimacy. But the history of the developing world tells us that acquiring legitimacy has proved to be a difficult pursuit. Even countries that have been independent for more than half a century still struggle with political legitimacy. This article discusses some issues related to political legitimacy in Timor-Leste by critically reflecting on our experience since 1999, and the current economic and political development.

Citizens’ Lack of Ownership towards the State

In Timor, a country that just went through foreign occupation and a pitted struggle against foreign rule, political participation goes beyond the notion of liberal democracy. During resistance, people across the spectrums of social class, education level, and multiple generations participated in the struggle to liberate their homeland from foreign occupiers. Many revolutionary organizations existed during the struggle, but these groups were merely symbols that facilitated the process. Therefore, reflecting critically on the struggle of the Timorese people and the current state of development, our struggle toward a common goal is embedded in the Timorese consciousness as a nation. This is the factor that unites Timorese to imagine themselves as one nation, to refer to Anderson’s “Imagined Community.” The positive implication is that people had a sense of ownership and responsibility towards common goals because they felt that these goals belonged to them and what they were doing was a part of achieving their goals.

But after the country finally won its independence the situation changed dramatically. The United Nations led the international community in nation-building in Timor-Leste, unraveling Timorese unity in the process, especially at the grassroots level. Even the small number of elites found it hard to find space for political participation. Many international efforts to “empower” the community resulted in the erosion of existing local authority, which was driven by the presence of a multitude of international advisors.

The situation did not change much after the restoration of independence in 2002. The process then came to be dominated by local elites, most of whom reside in Dili. The failure of political parties to channel the aspiration of their constituents in the development process means that political parties only had real significance during election cycles and the parties became merely stepping stones for elites to acquire power.

Before the massive flow of oil money began flowing into state coffers, many NGOs played the role of facilitating popular political participation on a small scale, allowing the people’s voice to be heard through advocacy efforts. But after the flow of petroleum money began in earnest, and as the state budget increased, and the reducing of donors’ contribution, the influence of NGOs began to shrink. On the other hand, the state, dominated by a few elites, grew more powerful. In other words, the increase in oil money empowered the state, and at the same time reduced the public sphere for political participation.

The result for the Timorese people is that they find themselves marginalized because their voices are barely heard and reflected in the development process. Although it is easy to call this situation undemocratic, it is hard to swallow for a society that just underwent a brutal popular struggle. It is like taking away the destiny of the nation from them.  This loss of their voice erodes their sense of being part of a community. After losing their ability to participate, the Timorese people feel that the process no longer belongs to them. This ultimately leads to an erosion of the sense of responsibility of ordinary Timorese citizens toward the social transformation of this new country.

This is the lesson we should learn from our experience of nation-state building over the past ten years. Although we have earned the praise of many international observers, we still have to reflect critically upon our flaws at nation-building.  There are clear lessons to be learned from our own history.

Invisibility of the State

The modern state we intended to build is not an institution embedded in our history, nor in the history of other third world societies. It is a relatively new institution that comes to us through Western colonialism. Given its novelty in Timor, it is hard for this new institution to claim legitimacy over citizens who previously lived in small communities, and who acted according to community-agreed upon norms and regulations.

Meanwhile, as a post-colonial and post-conflict society, Timor is also facing multi-dimensional problems. Some of these are high rates of illiteracy and malnutrition, poor infrastructure, subsistence agriculture, land-ownership, law enforcement, a culture of “Big Brother,” and many others. In this circumstance, rather than monopoly over coercive power, as  Weberian notion of state suggests, the capacity of the state to solve problems inherited by colonialism is what determines political legitimacy. Thus, the expectation from the people toward the state is very high. The state is expected to provide social services such as education, health, water, and sanitation, to develop the economy, to build infrastructure, to protect citizens’ rights. And the list goes on and on.

It is common in the history of developing countries after independence. The invisible hand of state is everywhere and state played part in every aspect of the society. That was how the state made itself visible to its citizens and fortified its existence.

In Timor-Leste, after independence, we Timorese expected significant roles of the state. We wanted the state to provide social services, health services, water and sanitation, enforced rule of law, the protection of basic rights of its citizens, public works, and so on.

But these expectations have not been met, and of course, it will not take a short time to fulfill them. State visibility has remained very low. Most of state apparatus is located in Dili. Police, judges, prosecutors, civil servants, are located in Dili. This is totally disproportionate because only about around 21% of Timorese live in Dili, but most of public servants are centralized in Dili.

Consequently in the districts, especially in the villages and remote areas, the state remains almost invisible to citizens. Although health and education are frequently criticized, in rural areas we see the state only when our children go to school or when people receive services at community health centers. How can one honestly speak of “state legitimacy” to these rural citizens? 

Exclusive Economic Growth

What is important for Timor-Leste is to have an economy where everyone can contribute to growth, everyone is part of it, and everyone can benefit from it.

Unfortunately, this has not been the case since independence. Timor’s economy has been dominated by an influx of international capital that came through foreign aid and by selling the country’s natural resources. Through this, the state finances all the large infrastructure projects, pays more than 40,000 civil servants, and keeps the state machine functioning.

On the other hand, the agricultural sector—the source of income for 75% of Timorese—continues to decline 0.8% every year between 2002 and 2010. At the same time, public sector, which employs more than 40,000 people, increased 1% every year. Services and industry are still stagnant. (Source:  Ministry of Finance statistics.)

This tells a lot about the economic structure of Timorese society. First, it implies that 75% of Timorese who depend on the agriculture sector are getting poorer and more vulnerable to poverty incidence, whereas those involved in the public sector are doing better. Second, it implies that 75% of Timorese are less participative and less productive in contributing to national economic growth. Consequently, people began to shift from agriculture sector and yet, hard to find jobs in other sectors.

In a country where the state does not heavily depend on exporting its natural resources, the burden of the state to provide good services is very high, because the state relies on citizens’ contribution in various forms. But in a country like Timor-Leste, where the state’s domestically generated revenues are only about 8% of state annual budget, the incentive for the state to provide basic services is almost nonexistent. In the end, our economy is not a participatory and inclusive economy, generated by Timorese. Rather, it is driven by an influx of foreign capital from petroleum revenues. Politically, since the state does not depend on Timorese citizens to finance and maintain its apparatus, it does not feel that it has to be accountable to them. It does not need to tax its citizens, not even the rich, because the state receives a lot of money from petroleum revenues. Similarly, Timorese people do not view the State’s money as belonging to the citizens of the country.

This mutual lack of financial dependence might appear simple, but it has highly detrimental effect.  It erodes the work ethic in the public sector because individuals lack a sense of responsibility to their fellow citizens even though they get paid by the state. It erodes the sense of belonging and responsibility of every citizen to contribute. And at the end of the day, it changes the nature of the social contract upon which the modern state is based.

Conclusion

When we talk about political legitimacy, our own experiences provide us with many lessons. Our struggle for independence was popular, participative, and inclusive. Everyone therefore felt that they played a role and were part of a process. However, since 1999, when we reflect critically upon how our nation-state has been built, we find that lack of Timorese ownership and the state’s lack of a visible presence outside of Dili, as well as the Timorese economic structure are very exclusive. By highlighting these issues, we realize that our structural issues undermine the political legitimacy of the state. Lastly, in order to acquire political legitimacy, all of us have to work to transform these problems

Author is Researcher at Timor-Leste’s Presidential Research Center.